http://www.pvchr.net/2011/11/india-death-threats-to-human-rights.html
Wednesday, November 30, 2011
Tuesday, November 29, 2011
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Tuesday, August 16, 2011
Sunday, July 10, 2011
Peoples' Vigilance Committee on Human Rights (PVCHR): Call for a neo-Dalit movement to overthrow feudali...
Peoples' Vigilance Committee on Human Rights (PVCHR): Call for a neo-Dalit movement to overthrow feudali...: "Abstract India is a beautiful country. A land of great and long History populated by many different peoples, from many different origins, a..."
Sunday, June 5, 2011
Friday, June 3, 2011
Sunday, May 29, 2011
Thursday, March 17, 2011
यही सोचती कि क्या मैं सचमुच डायन हूँ
http://www.sarokar.net/2011/03/यही-सोचती-कि-क्या-मैं-सचमु/
इस बार पूर्वी उत्तरप्रदेश से पेश है लेनिन रघुवंशी द्वारा भेजी गयी जोगसरी की कहानी उन्हीं की जुबानी
मेरा नाम जगेश्वरी देवी, उम्र 32 वर्ष है। मेरे पति रमाशंकर हैं। मेरे चार लड़के तेज बली 11 वर्ष, राम बली 6 वर्ष, श्याम नारायण 4 वर्ष और राजनारायण एक वर्ष का है। मैं ग्राम-करहिया, पोस्ट-म्योरपुर, थाना-दुद्धी, ब्लाक-म्योरपुर तहसील-दुद्धी, जिला-सोनभद्र की रहने वाली हूँ। मेरी शादी जुबैदा के (आसनडीह) में हुई थी। चार वर्षों तक मैं ससुराल में रही। बाद में मायके करहिया में अपने बाबूजी की देखभाल करने आ गयी। मेरी बड़ी तीन बहनें अपने ससुराल में ही रहती हैं। खेती के लिए आठ बीघा जमीन है जिस पर मैं और मेरे पति खेती गृहस्थी करके अपना जीवन बीता रहे हैं।
मेरी चचेरी बहन दुल्लर और बहनोई सहदेव जो मेरे घर से तीन घर की दूरी पर रहते हैं। इनको पाँच लड़के और दो लड़कियाँ थी। कुछ वर्ष पहले बीमारी के कारण इनके दो लड़के मर गये थे। अभी सानिया और एक छोटा बच्चा जो काफी समय से बीमार चल रहा था। मंगलवार की रात (31.07.2010) को सानिया मर गयी। यह खबर सुनते ही मैं भागी दौड़ी उनके घर गयी। वहाँ पर पहले से ही चार औरते और ओझा खेलावन झाड़ फुक कर रहे थे। मैं अन्दर बैठी थी। मेरे बहनोई अपने घर के दरवाजे पर लाठी, डंडा और टंगारी लेकर पैर फैलाकर बैठ गये।
बार-बार यही बात मुझे देखकर कहते ‘डायन’ मेरे लड़के को खा गयी है। मैं तुम्हे नहीं छोड़ुगा। देखे बाहर कैसे निकलती है। यह बात सुनकर मुझे डर लगता था, सेाचती यह क्या कह रहे हैं किसी तरह रात गुजरी सुबह हुयी। मौका मिलते सहदेव जैसे ही दरवाजे से हटा मैं अपने घर जल्दी से चली आयी, अगर वह आ गया तो फिर मुझे नहीं जाने देगा। घर आकर झाड़ू बर्तन करने लगी। कुछ दिन बीता शायद उस समय 12.00 बज रहा था। आस-पास के लोग लाश दफनाने के लिए आने लगे। मैं अभी घर का काम कर ही रही थी। तभी सहदेव ने मुझे बुलाया ‘यहाँ आओ’ मैं रात की बात से डरी थी लेकिन मरनी होने के कारण वहाँ गयी। गाँव के सभी लोग बैठे थे। करीब साठ लोग थे। ओझा अपना झाड़ फुक कर रहा था। मैं भी गाँव के लोगों के बीच में जाकर बैठ गयी। तो सहदेव ने मुझे आगे आने को कहा मैं जा रही थी सोच रही थी कि सभी बैठे हैं वह सिर्फ मुझे ही क्यों बुला रहा है।
जब मैं उसके करीब पहुँची मैं डर रही थी ‘डरते हुए मैंने जीजा से पुछा क्या बात है तो वह मेरे हाथ में मरी हुई सानिया को देकर कहा ‘डायन’ इसे जीला नहीं तो मैं तुम्हे नहीं छोड़ूगा। ओझा खेलावन मेरे चारो बगल घूमता और झाड़-फूंक करता। बच्चे को गोद में लेकर मैं डरी सहमी हुई बैठी थी। काफी झाड़ फूक करने के बाद सहदेव ने मुझे अपनी जुबान निकालने के लिए कहा। यह सुनते ही मैं घबरा गयी। यह अब क्या करेगा मेरे साथ सारे गाँव के लोग चुपचाप बैठकर तमाशा देख रहे थे। तभी सहदेव ने मुझे कहा अपनी जुबान निकालो इस पर चिया चरायेंगे (जुबान के ऊपर चावल का दाना रखकर मुर्गी से चराना)। मेरा दिल अन्दर से धक-धक कर रहा था जैसे ही जुबान बाहर निकाली सहदेव ने चालाकी से अपनी हाथ में ब्लेड लिया था। मैंने उसे नहीं देखा था। मेरे जीभ पर वार किया जीभ कट गयी।
मैं दर्द से तड़पने लगी। रोती बिलखती रही सोचा ये क्या हुआ आस पास बैठे किसी ने मुझे सहारा नहीं दिया न ही सहदेव को ऐसा करने से मना किया। मुँह से खून निकलने लगा। देखते ही देखते जमीन पर ढेर सारा खुन फैल गया। मेरे पति भी डर के वजह से नहीं बोले। सारा कपड़ा खून से लथपथ हो गया था।
यही बात दिमाग में आती कि यह क्या हुआ। यही सोचती क्या मैं सचमूच डायन हूँ। मेरी आँखों के सामने ओझा और सहदेव ने मेरी कटी हुई जुबान को छोटे-छोटे टुकड़ों में कर, उसमें चावल का दाना मिलाकर मुर्गी से चरवाया। फिर सभी लोग लाश लेकर दफनाने चले गये। उनके पीछे-पीछे मेरे पति भी गये।
वहाँ पर उन्होंने लाश को दफनाया और उसके बाद उसकी कब्र पर मुर्गी छोड़कर चले आये। वह मुझे उसी हाल में छोड़ कर चले गये। आस-पड़ोस की औरतें भी मुझे डायन समझकर अकेले तड़पते हुए छोड़कर चली गयी। मैं रात भर बिना दवा के रोती बिलखती रही। सुबह से कुछ खाना भी नहीं था। जुबान कटने के बाद तो मुझसे पानी भी नहीं पीया जा रहा था। रात भर मैं कलपती रही। किसी ने मेरी मदद नहीं की। छोटे-छोटे बच्चों को किसके भरोसे मैं छोड़कर अस्पताल जाती। आज भी इन बातों को याद करती हूँ तो उन लोगों पर गुस्सा आता है। सोचती हूँ क्या सचमुच मैं ‘डायन’ हूँ।
सुबह हुई। चारो तरफ बात फैल गयी। मैं म्योरपुर सामुदायिक स्वास्थ्य केन्द्र पर अपनी दवा लेने गयी तो वहाँ के डाक्टर ने मेरे पति से पूछा कि क्या हुआ। फिर पति ने उन्हें सारी बात बतायी। तभी वहाँ पर दुद्धी थाना के दरोगा और सिपाही एक जीप से आये। मुझे अस्पताल में भर्ती कर लिया गया। बार-बार दरोगा मुझसे पुछते कि क्या हुआ था। मेरे मुँह से आवाज नहीं निकलती। बोलने की कोशिश करती तो मेरा घाव दर्द करता। सभी ने मेरे पति से बयान लिया। चार दिन तक मेरा इलाज हुआ। मेरे बच्चे घर पर अकेले थे। पति मेरी देखभाल करते। बस्ती से कोई भी मुझसे मिलने नहीं आया। मुझे हर वक्त अपने बच्चों की चिंता लगी रहती थी। सोचती कहीं उन लोगों के साथ वे लोग कुछ उल्टा-सीधा न करें।
मैं अस्पताल से घर वापस आयी तो पता चला सहदेव का छोटा लड़का जो बीमार था वह भी मर गया। यह सुनते ही मेरा जी फिर से धक-धक करने लगा। मेरे हाथ पैर काँपने लगे। बार-बार यही सोचकर मन शान्त करती कि सहदेव और ओझा तो पुलिस कि गिरफ्त में है।
लेकिन अभी भी डर लगता है कि जब वे छूटकर आयेंगे तब उनका व्यवहार हमारे प्रति कैसा होगा। मेरे पति बहुत ही सीधे हैं। वे लोग मुझे ‘डायन’ कहकर मेरी जमीन हड़पना चाहते हैं। बस्ती में पहले भी एक परिवार के लोग झगड़ा करकर बेघर कर चुके हैं। मेरी जमीन, मेरा घर हड़प कर मुझे बेघर करना चाहते हैं ‘डायन’ कहकर मेरी जीभ काटकर मुझे यहाँ से भगाना चाहते हैं।
यही चिन्ता दिन रात खाये जा रही है। रात को नीद नहीं आती। मन हमेशा घबराता है। मुझे सही ढंग से खाया नहीं जाता। गिलास से सीधे पानी नहीं पी पाती। आवाज भी लड़खड़ाती है। जब बोलती हूँ तो जुबान लड़ती है। मैं चाहती हूँ जिन लोगों ने मेरे साथ ऐसा किया है मुझें ‘डायन’ बनाया है उन्हें कड़ी से कड़ी सजा मिले। अभी भी सहदेव के डर से बस्ती के लोग मेरे पास नहीं आते। बाहर का कोई भी मिलने आता है तो वे लोग कहते हैं लिखने से क्या होगा। मेरा कोई कुछ नहीं बिगाड़ सकता यह बात सुनते ही मुझे बहुत जोर से गुस्सा आता है। आपको सारी बात बताकर मेरा मन हल्का हुआ है, आपने जब मेरी बात को पढ़कर सुनाया तो मेरा विश्वास बढ़ा है मेरे अन्दर का डर कुछ खत्म हुआ है।
फरहत शबा खानम के साथ बातचीत पर आधारित
डॉ0 लेनिन रघुवंशी 'मानवाधिकार जन निगरानी समिति' के महासचिव हैं और वंचितों के अधिकारों पर इनके कामों के लिये इन्हें 'वाइमर ह्युमन राइट्स अवॉर्ड', जर्मनी एवं 'ग्वांजू ह्युमन राइट्स अवॉर्ड', दक्षिण कोरिया से नवाज़ा गया है. लेनिन सरोकार के लिए मानवाधिकार रिपोर्टिंग करते है. उनसे pvchr.india@gmail.com पर संपर्क साधा जा सकता है.
Wednesday, March 16, 2011
Monday, March 14, 2011
Voice of Dalit from Benaras: Police
Voice of Dalit from Benaras: Police: "Police are everywhere so finding them is very easy for people. What most of police do in ur country? and what most of police ..."
Friday, March 11, 2011
Wednesday, March 9, 2011
Tuesday, March 8, 2011
Saturday, March 5, 2011
Saturday, February 26, 2011
Tuesday, February 22, 2011
Thursday, February 10, 2011
Monday, February 7, 2011
Fwd: Threat and abusing call
---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: DIG Police ComplaintCell Lucknow <digcomplaint-up@nic.in>
Date: Mon, Feb 7, 2011 at 4:30 PM
Subject: Fwd: Threat and abusing call
To: sspvns@up.nic.in, DIG Varanasi <sspvns-up@nic.in>, igzonevns@up.nic.in, IG Zone Police Varanasi <igzonevns-up@nic.in>, igzonevns@rediffmail.com
Cc: pvchr.india@gmail.com
From: DIG Police ComplaintCell Lucknow <digcomplaint-up@nic.in>
Date: Mon, Feb 7, 2011 at 4:30 PM
Subject: Fwd: Threat and abusing call
To: sspvns@up.nic.in, DIG Varanasi <sspvns-up@nic.in>, igzonevns@up.nic.in, IG Zone Police Varanasi <igzonevns-up@nic.in>, igzonevns@rediffmail.com
Cc: pvchr.india@gmail.com
To,
D.I.G./S.S.P. Varanasi
The complaint Shruti Nagvanshi, PVCHR/JMN, Mobile:+91-9935599330, www.pvchr.org, www.pvchr.net E-mail To: pvchr.india@gmail.com, is being forwarded for enquiry and necessary action. If there is no legal hassle regarding this matter then kindly send brief reply to the complainant regarding action taken.
Addl.S.P. (P/G),
D.G.P. Hqrs, U.P.
Lucknow.
Date: Wednesday, February 2, 2011 10:17 am
Subject: Fwd: Threat and abusing call
To: DIG Police ComplaintCell Lucknow <digcomplaint-up@nic.in>
Cc: PVCHR ED <pvchr.india@gmail.com>
>
Subject: Fwd: Threat and abusing call
To: DIG Police ComplaintCell Lucknow <digcomplaint-up@nic.in>
Cc: PVCHR ED <pvchr.india@gmail.com>
> Sir
> The complaint from above email is being forwarded to your kind attention and response.
> UPPCC
>
> Date: Wednesday, February 2, 2011 10:17 am
> Subject: Threat and abusing call
> Subject: Threat and abusing call
> To: uppcc@up.nic.in
> Cc: marginalised.pvchr98@blogger.com, marginalised.sapf@blogger.com, marginalised.lenin@blogger.com
>
>
> Sir/Madam,
>
> Greeting from Varanasi.
>
> My name is Shruti Nagvanshi and residence of SA 4/2 A, Daulatpur, Varanasi,India.
>
> I am working for rights of marginalized on grass root and managing trustee of Peoples' Vigilance Committee on Human Rights (PVCHR).
>
> I received the call from +91-7499245228 to my mobile number Number +91-9935599330 nearly at 7.01 PM.I was at Narendra computers, Ghausabad,Varanasi.
>
> He offered the friendship first. I just avoided. He immediately started to abuse in very nasty manner. All his abuses are against the dignity of a woman. Then he cut the call. Again I called on his number and asked to him for reason of abuse. But he gain abused in very bad way. He knows my name also.
>
> I am suffering with psychological stress. Please do needful for rule of law.
>
> With regards,
> Shruti Nagvanshi
>
> PVCHR/JMN
> Mobile:+91-9935599330
> Mobile:+91-9935599330
> Hatred does not cease by hatred, but only by love; this is the eternal rule.
> --The Buddha
>
> "We are what we think. With our thoughts we make our world." - Buddha
>
>
> This message contains information which may be confidential and privileged. Unless you are the addressee or authorised to receive for the addressee, you may not use, copy or disclose to anyone the message or any information contained in the message. If you have received the message in error, please advise the sender by reply e-mail to pvchr.india@gmail.com and delete the message. Thank you.
> Sunday, February 6, 2011
WEAVING DREAMS, LIVING IN NIGHTMARE: SITUATION OF BANARASI SAREE WEAVING SECTOR OF VARANASI
WEAVING DREAMS, LIVING IN NIGHTMARE: SITUATION OF BANARASI SAREE WEAVING SECTOR OF VARANASI
Dr. Archana Kaushik, Assistant Professor, Department of Social Work, University of Delhi.
Ms. Shruti Nagvanshi, Managing trustee, PVCHR (Peoples' Vigilance Committee on Human Rights)
Abstract:
The present paper looks into the situational analysis of weavers of Banarasi saree, Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh. The life of weavers is characterized by abject poverty, chronic malnutrition, varied health hazards and even hunger deaths and suicides. In-put cost is unbearable for many and profit is taken by middlemen. Globalization has severely affected economically vulnerable small weavers pushing them below poverty line. State machinery is apathetic and whatever schemes and programmes exist, fail to do any good to weavers who are battling hard to keep this one of the finest legacies of Indian culture alive. Situation of women and children is worse. Women are engaged in mundane work of thread-cutting, zari-filling and the like and are paid merely Rs.10-15 per day for 12-16 hours of work. Children are denied schooling to speed up saree-production. Suggestive interventions are highlighted in the paper.
INTRODUCTION
Saree – a six yard long piece of cloth – signifies the elegance, charm, grace and beauty of Indian woman. And, Banarasi Saree, with almost eight hundred years old tradition, has an important niche in the cultural contours of India. However, the life of weavers (or creators) of these wonderful banarasi saris is not as beautiful as the creation. Majority of small artisans and their families, though mostly on the brink of survival, are dependent on this traditional crafts for a living. In this era of globalization, the exquisite traditional art of hand woven banarasi saree is under serious threat and is passing through a time of crisis.
During the medieval period, along with Moguls, skilled Muslim weavers from the West Asian countries came to India. These weavers found Varanasi complementing to their art of intricate pattern of weaving and settled there under the patronage of the then Muslim rulers. The fusion of Hindu design pattern with Muslim ones had put Varanasi at the helm of silk weaving activities.
Socio-demographic profile of weavers
There is scarcity of reliable data on the magnitude of weavers and their socio-demographic details. According to a survey conducted by the Uttar Pradesh Handloom Corporation in 1995-96, there are 75,313 handlooms and 1,24,832 handloom weavers and 1758 power-looms and 2645 power-looms workers. However, since then, numbers of looms and weavers has increased significantly. According to an unofficial estimate, there are around 5,00,000 weavers in the district. Further, the weavers are predominantly Muslim. There are two significant marginalized groups of weavers - poor Muslims and dalits. Majority of them are with little or no education.
There are three types of weavers - Individual weavers, Master Weavers and Weaver of the Cooperative Society. Individual weavers, the most marginalized lot, use their own material, loom, design and colour. However, generally, they are dependent on Gaddidars or middlemen or traders for marketing of their sarees. Gaddidars often control production and marketing of sarees and have considerable influence upon the life-situations of weaving community.
The sari industry is a household industry spread over the entire Varanasi district. As family business, skills in weaving are handed down over generations. In fact, there are no factories that manufacture banarasi saree. Around eighty percent of looms are manual and it takes about a week to fortnight to complete one saree.
Creating banarasi sarees
Since the beginning, banarasi sarees were woven on 'pit-type' handlooms, where a weaver sits with his legs in the pit. The looms are installed within the houses but separated from the living areas and are being run mostly by family members and partly by hired labour. In recent times, power-looms are also inducted. Sarees produced on handlooms are different from those created on power-looms in terms of designs and even production processes. Both types of saris have their separate market niche.
Production of a saree on handloom undergoes many stages - the silk yarn called Katan is reeled, bleached and dyed. The dyed yarn is prepared for Tana (warp) and Bana (weft). The length of yarn reeled on a five feet long warp cylinder is sufficient for six lengths of a saree (33 meters). Yarn for the weft is reeled on a small (few centimetres long) cylindrical object and the process is called Nari Bharna. Many such reels are needed to complete a saree. It is used in shuttle (Dhirri) and used to bring out designs (Buti) on sarees. Once set-up, six sarees are produced in a row till the warp yarn is exhausted.
Many interactional and power dynamics are observed in the production and sale of sarees. Generally, a master weaver supplies material, design, colours and ideas. He engages wage earners, oversees entire weaving process and markets finished products. On the contrary, individual weavers themselves arrange for raw materials and design sarees in their own way. Sky-rocking prices of silk are out of the reach of many poor weavers who, then, resort to cheap artificial fibres. Using relatively poor quality of raw material fetches weavers lesser piece-rate earning. They do not have control over the marketing of sarees and have to depend on Gaddidars or master weavers. Individual weavers have poor connections in raw material market as well as retail market of silk fabrics. They often overwork hastily to earn more. Traders too exploit weavers in myriad of ways – they point out many defects viz. stains, defective design or pattern, motifs, etc., and only after considerable haggling, the final deal is struck. A weaver, in immediate need of cash, is forced to accept a cheap rate. He is often given a post-dated cheque of a faraway bank, which an agent encashes only after taking 2-3 percent commission. Weavers, cut off from the market, are not able to actively participate in price negotiation of their produce and are at loss. Contrarily, traders enjoy twin advantages — market information and mercantile capital. Interestingly, nearly three hundred traders, mostly Hindus, dominate and control weaving community, who are mostly Muslims.
Sale of saree
Generally, piece-rate of silk saree made on handloom varies from 300 to 1000 rupees, depending on the complexity of design. Independent loom-owners do not have the holding capacity and immediate dire need of money forces them to compromise with lower piece-rate. Also, traders often find excuses on grounds of flaws in the quality of weaving to make deductions from even the agreed price. Consequently, when the product is taken as substandard or there is low demand in the market, weavers have to sell it at a price that may not even cover the labour cost. In the weaving industry, imitation is not valued. As soon as the design is copied, the product gets devalued and weavers have to bear the loss.
Globalization Impact
The Varanasi weaving industry has experienced significant decline since the early 1990s. Policies to promote free trade have harmed the industry. Cheaper textile imports have gained prominence with the advancement of the Negotiations on Non-Agricultural Market Access (NAMA) by the World Trade Organization (WTO), which have lead to freezing or declining of import tariffs including on textiles such as sarees. In 2001, India removed its quantitative restrictions on silk imports. This opened unrestricted import of Chinese plain crepe fabrics – a direct substitute for hand-woven silk sarees, having a crippling effect on Banarasi sarees.
Further, there is decline in demand of Banarasi sarees due to the global economic slowdown. Often perceived as a luxury wedding dress, Banarasi sarees are not in priority list of an average consumer hard-pressed of money. Due to its high maintenance and high cost, people hardly prefer this spectacular attire. And weavers too are neither getting sufficient means to meet both ends nor the social status, through it.
With population growth among weavers, there is more supply of skilled labour and much less matching demand. It leads to unjust price/wages to weavers. Since 1990s labour wages have declined to about half of what they were earlier. Further, fluctuating silk price and artificial shortages created by the suppliers have put weavers in a precarious situation. Also, the power looms are snatching the work from handloom weavers. Middlemen and Gaddidars are living like parasites on their earnings.
Fashion market is denoted by fast changing fads and styles. Today's fashion is marked by convenience and low cost of production. Time-phase when uniqueness of the creation was appreciated and patronised at a great cost has perhaps lapsed. Now, in this changed scenario, large volumes of sarees with low quality are produced that are available at cheaper rates.
In addition, weaving industry is facing crisis due to problems in availability of raw silk. This scarcity is often created by traders. For small weavers buying one bundle (5-6 kilogram of raw silk) is economically strained. Not having enough business reduces their purchasing power. Prior to 1990, silk was available for Rs.100/- per Kg and now it is over Rs.1500/-. Ironically, scarcity of raw material exists despite the free-trade policies.
Imported Chinese silk is cheaper and is available at Rs.1100/- per kg, and hence it has become the choice of most artisans. While multinational players are being given a free hand to operate, potentially weaver friendly institutions such as cooperatives are being allowed to decay, at the cost of the marginalised weaver.
Further, Surat produces artificial silk thread, available at much lower cost. Duplicate Banarasi sarees are being produced using artificial material. This has severely hurt the Varanasi weaving sector, putting pressure to reduce the cost of original Banarasi saree in the market. As the middlemen and shopkeepers do not forsake their profits, the weakest link - a weaver has to bear the brunt, in terms of reduced wages.
Production woes
Power-looms also have their own set of problem - electricity connection is not easily available. Moreover, chronic power shortage cripples the saree production. Lack of natural light and inadequate power supply hampers the work of weavers. Nearly ninety percent of weavers have not been able to pay their electricity bills, which may amount to two lakh rupees. Many families have sold their houses for payment of electricity bills and have gone to the other localities. Ironically, ten percent of weavers having power-looms do not have enough money to get a connection - they are thus stealing electricity.
Economic Vulnerability
According to District Sample Survey (2008), there are 40 percent of weavers living below poverty line. Unofficial estimate by PVCHR brings out that almost double the numbers of weavers are financially strained. As discussed earlier, their economic vulnerability is characterized by shrinkage of demand of hand-woven sarees due to availability of cheap, imported alternatives and inadequate interventions by the government, civil society organisations and others. Consequently, they are left on the brink of survival, to face hunger, unemployment, gross underemployment, poor living and working conditions, consequent poor health and exploitation. Lack of workers organisations in some areas and ineffective ones in other areas further accentuate the problem.
In the cases, when designs are given to the weavers for production their own creativity is lost and their contribution is reduced to merely a skilled labour. As they are cut off from the market, traders dictate their designs claiming to keep pace with changing fashion trends. These issues have a major economic implication for the weavers.
Further, there is no system of written contract for wage determination. Weavers go and buy raw silk from market or from Gaddidars. If it is the latter, then it is an advance by Gaddidars to weavers. Till the time the saree is sold in the market, weavers do not get anything. In order to meet bare survival needs, in the intervening period, weavers may have to borrow money or take advance from Gaddidars, and that is the beginning of a form of bondage with the creditor. Many times, weavers are forced to involve their children to repay the loan.
It is unfortunate that even after two-three generations of weaving occupation, many families fail to own a loom. In many cases, looms are on contract and are owned by Gaddidars. There has been virtually no increase in the wages for the past five years. Most of the weavers' families are virtually living in abject poverty. And to survive, all able-bodied family members including children are drawn into labour market.
Another manifestation of economic vulnerability is seen as many skilled artisans have left weaving and resort to pulling rickshaws, making incense sticks, peeling and selling green chanas (seasonal work), and women are into domestic labour serving middle class families in their neighbourhood. As a survival strategy, many weavers are migrating to Surat.
Women in saree-production
Few Indian bridal trousseaus are complete without the inclusion of an exquisite Banarasi saree. However, the women behind the creation of spectacular yards of fabric are hardly given their due. They are involved in the entire creative process—from weaving to adding embellishments to giving the final touch. Although women are rarely seen working directly on the looms, without them it would be impossible to make a Banarasi saree. Most women work to supplement their family incomes, particularly if family is not in a position to hire workers. Some even work as contract labour, though rarely.
"We have to continuously work for long hours, weaving designs into the sarees, but in the end, it is the men who are known as weavers and we are just referred to as hired labourers," complains Lalti Devi, 48 years, Lohata, Varanasi. The role played by women in Banarasi Saree weaving process is crucial, but they are neither given due recognition nor remuneration.
Banarasi sarees are characterised by their intricate weave and heavy gold and silver brocade work. Women are responsible for filling zari into the design, ensuring that the embroidery is taut, and also snipping off extra threads (called saree katran) from finished product—all seemingly menial but critical, strenuous, unstimulating and repetitive chores. They continuously sit for 6-7 hours.
Gender disparity is also seen in terms of wages — generally, weavers earn anywhere between 500 to 1,500 rupees a month, their female counterparts receive a paltry — 200 to 400 rupees a month. The plight of women is such that even if they earn Rs.10/- a day they do not have the right to spend it as per their will.
Children in saree production
Children of the weaving community are perhaps the worst affected lot. They lose out their childhood as their mothers work for long hours, there are no crèche or day-care facility and they loiter unattended. They are denied their right to health, education and other opportunities for development. When uncared, many children are drawn towards drugs, criminal elements and indulge in other undesirable / anti-social activities.
Further, children are made to sit on looms so as to speed up their saree-production. They help in creating design pattern (Buti) and operating the shuttle (Dharki phekna). Children are sold and bought for meagre amount or loan extended to their parents. A bonded person however can move from one owner to another provided the new owner pays off the outstanding debt to the first owner.
Health vulnerability
Weavers and their families suffer from a range of health problems. Many develop respiratory ailments related to breathing in fibres and dust from the fabrics they work with. Exposure to silk and cotton fibres put them at high risk of tuberculosis, particularly Multi Drug Resistance Tuberculosis (MDTRB).
Added to this, malnutrition (both acute and chronic) and exhaustion are common especially among women and children. Also, many weaver-families depend on government-subsided food distribution, which is often delayed. Reportedly, hunger deaths are not rare. In the outskirts of Varanasi, twelve children have died in 2008 from malnutrition (Ahmed, 2008).
Weavers, more often than not, are denied their Right to Health and despite a wide web of primary healthcare system, remain out of the coverage. Indeed, some health coverage is guaranteed to holders of Antodaya Anna Yojana (AAY) cards, which are increasingly distributed to the weaver community. However, in Varanasi, few weavers or other laborers receive proper benefits, which are often only guaranteed if they have political contacts or are willing to give bribes to gain access to government hospitals.
Ironically, since the women in weaving sector as 'workers' are not recognised in the sector, they are even deprived of healthcare benefits. They suffer from backache and poor eyesight as they work in dark dingy places sitting continuously for seven to eight hours. When ailing, women have to shell out money for treatment as they do not fall under any health-schemes. By not providing adequate healthcare and welfare infrastructure for women workers the Government is culpable of making women suffer silently and live considerably reduced life span. Added to this, socialization characterized by patriarchy make women learn to avoid and postpone health service utilization.
Likewise, weavers sit on hand loom machines to weave the sarees. As most of the looms are situated at the residence where there is no adequate ventilation and provision of light, it results in weavers being afflicted by weak eyesight and serious respiratory ailments including byssinosis (An occupational respiratory disease characterised by shortness of breath, cough and wheezing due to allergic reaction to dust and fungi in cotton, flax and hemp fibres. Prolonged exposure may result in chronic airway obstruction, bronchitis, and emphysema with fibrosis, leading to respiratory failure), and is often inadequately diagnosed as Tuberculosis. Also, the loom is partially embedded into the ground, and one needs to make a pit for weaver to be able to keep his legs. In the pit the temperature is different resulting in numbness of lower portion of the body. The health hazards are well put in the words of Arjun, a weaver, "Handlooms today are the graves of living people."
Further, reduction of labour wages has a direct, negative impact on their nutritional status. They fall sick easily, and diseases like tuberculosis, Pneumoconiosis, swelling of limbs, stomach ailments, backache, anaemia, weakness and debility, etc., are common among weavers.
When meeting survival needs is in question, giving priority to health does not exist. Food, housing, transport, loan repayment and other expenses have greater priority in the lives of weavers. Women do not go to seek medical advice unless they are bedridden. Even then, using precarious family finances on themselves put women into guilt.
Over the past decade, situation of most weavers has deteriorated into a pitiful state, as they face increased poverty, hunger, health issues and inability to provide for their families. As a consequence, since 2002, 175 weavers have committed suicide (PVCHR, 2005).
Role of State
The government responded to the plight of weavers by establishing co-operative institutions. The objective was to develop forward (marketing of sarees) and backward (providing raw silk) linkages to ameliorate conditions of weavers. Micro-credit facility forms an important component.
However, being plagued with mismanagement and corruption, cooperatives have failed in fulfilling their objectives. Benefits have not reached to poor weavers. A few resourceful persons among weaver-community have floated fictitious cooperatives and pocketed benefits. These handfuls of beneficiaries within the Muslim weavers emerged as another set of traders calling themselves as Master Weavers. They get workers cards issued from the silk cooperatives, and obtain silk raw material from the cooperatives as workers. In cooperatives, members have thrift fund and insurance facilities. Master weavers, with dummy membership, try to seize the benefits. Apparently, whole structure of cooperatives facilitates bigger weavers to take advantage of the subsidy offered.
Seemingly, instead of ameliorating the plight of weavers, cooperative institutions of the government have created further misery for them, by helping create another set of exploiters – the master weavers. The cooperative intervention has made a very conspicuous difference in their lives. It has created islands of affluence in an otherwise poor locality of weavers.
The silk price range generally is Rs. 1100-1600 per kilogram. However, reportedly, at times, the price in government cooperatives is higher than the price in open market. During periods of shortages of silk supply some weavers who are in the good books of committee members do get some raw material.
Further, a bank loan of nearly ten thousand is available for setting up handlooms, but is allegedly used by functionaries of cooperatives. Despite high awareness levels, there is apparent apathy to avail services and schemes of the government among weavers.
Suggestive intervention
Viewing the vulnerable conditions of weaving community, multi-stakeholder, multipronged and sustained effort is required so as to improve the situation. Some suggestive actions are placed:
•Establishment or revival of trade unions, cooperatives and other workers' organisations is must for sustainable development. One Bunkar Dastkaar Adhikaar Manch (BDAM, meaning Forum for Rights of Weavers and Artisans) with strength of 500 weavers is formed by PVCHR in 2003 for ensuring rightful share of weaving community. It focuses on - right to health, right to food and revival of the handloom industry.
•An online portal on weaving could go a long way in spreading awareness and promoting sales. It would enhance direct market access to weavers, nationally and internationally.
•Other mechanisms of direct market access can be 'artisan haats' in the line of 'Dilli Haat' and exhibitions at local and national levels. Besides this, up-gradation/integration of weavers' expositions into the traditional melas of Varanasi would be beneficial.
•A local museum to document the various practices in the saree-weaving sectors is required. It would help artisans appreciate their past heritage, instil pride and ownership and understand practices in different sectors and regions. It would also aid in making general public aware of the sector, and appreciate the nuances of production, which is taken for granted.
•Crèches and day care centres and educational/nutritional facilities for children of working mothers are required.
•Preventive and promotive health programmes are required. Since occupational diseases such as byssinosis, numbness in the limbs, deterioration of eyesight, etc., need special attention, which is not available in general hospitals, at least one dedicated hospital is needed for weaver community.
•Sensitisation of government offices especially enforcement wings of labour commissioners offices would ensure better linkage with societal and state resource system. Reforms and transparency in the work of state is needed for schemes and programmes to work.
· Exposure visits for weavers to states like Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, etc., to learn about best practices in these states on exchange basis would help in quality and innovation in saree weaving.
· Illiteracy leads to ignorance and vulnerability. Establishment of night schools to spread literacy among weavers is needed.
•Further studies to understand the sector better, and map best practices for learning, even from other states are needed. For example, the framework of the Bharat Bunkar Kendra, established by the Govt. during the 1960s needs to be revitalised. Similarly silk licensing mechanism needs to be understood, as politics of licensing is of critical relevance to the upliftment single weavers. Occupational health issues should be researched.
•For increasing market access among weavers, professionally managed cooperatives should be established. This would minimize or eliminate role of middlemen in saree-sale.
•Setting up of cooperative bank/Thrift and Credit Society for weavers would make capital accessible to weavers at low interest rates, thus freeing them from clutches of moneylenders and middlemen.
•Creation of special enabling mechanisms to meet differential needs of women weavers to facilitate their role in the industry is needed. These could include designing special looms, self, help groups and special fund for women weavers to help them become economically independent.
•A special cell is needed in the office of the handicrafts commissioner to address grievances and complaints. Information regarding this cell and its functions should be disseminated widely.
•Study of other weaving systems used in the North – Eastern states and in other countries needs to be undertaken to improve loom design, especially with reference to women's needs.
•Special shops selling the products 'directly from weavers' need to be established, to ensure better prices to weavers.
•'Silk depots' for easy availability of raw material should be established.
•Better electricity supply would enhance saree-production.
Banarasi saree forms an integral part of Indian epitome of cultural contours. Through this article a small attempt has been made to urge to all the readers to revive, preserve and promote this exquisite traditional art form by doing their bit. And this may, hopefully, provide worth, dignity, creative fulfilment and a rightful place in society to weavers of this astonishing attire.
References:
Ahmed, Farzand (2008). The Land of Dying Kids. Retrieved on January 2010 from http://indiatoday.intoday.in/site/Story/19809/WEB%20EXCLUSIVE/The+land+of+dying+kids.html
District Commissioner (2008). District Sample Survey, District Administration of Varanasi. Government of Uttar Pradesh.
Raghuvanshi, Lenin and Nagvanshi, Shruti (2005). Banarasi Saree Weaving Sector of Varanasi: A study of the working conditions of the unorganised workers of these sectors. Unpublished monograph, Peoples' Vigilance Committee on Human Rights, Varanasi.
Thursday, February 3, 2011
ये तो पत्थर तोड़ते थे, पुलिस ने इन्हें क्यों तोड़ा
ये तो पत्थर तोड़ते थे, पुलिस ने इन्हें क्यों तोड़ा
समय Feb 03, 2011 | एक टिप्पणी दें
लेनिन रघुवंशी
मेरा नाम रघूलाल, उम्र-23 वर्ष, पुत्र-श्री बिंदा बिंद। मैं गाँव-सागर सेमर, पोस्ट-हिनौती, थाना-पड़री, जिला-मिर्जापुर (उत्तर प्रदेश) का निवासी हूँ। मैं पत्थर तोड़ने का काम करता हूँ, महीना में 10-15 दिन काम मिलता है। हमारे परिवार में चार सदस्य हैं-मैं और मेरी पत्नी उर्मिला, दो लड़का-लवकुश (3 वर्ष) व आशीष (1 वर्ष)।
हमारे साथ जिंदगी में यह पहली घटना घटी जिससे मैं शारीरिक व मानसिक रूप से क्षमता विहीन हो गया। उस घटना के कारण घर से बाहर निकलने में डर लगता है। अब काम-काज करने का हिम्मत ही नही करता। हमेशा चिन्ता व डर बनी रहती है कि दुबारा फिर से हमारे साथ अमानवीय व्यवहार व मार-पीट न किया जाए। इसलिए किसी से बातचीत करने में भी डर लगता है।
पुरवा हवा चलने पर पूरे शारीर में दर्द उठने लगता है, अब परिवार का भरण-पोषण करना मुश्किल हो गया है। रात में जब नींद टूट जाती है तो फिर नींद ही नही आती. सारी रात यह सोचते-सोचते कट जाती है कि जो मेरे साथ हुआ उससे अच्छा मर जाना ही उचित था।
हुआ यह कि मैं 28 मई, 2009 को अपने ससुराल साले जी की शादी में ग्राम-बहरामागंज, पोस्ट व थाना-चुनार, जिला-मिर्जापुर (उत्तर प्रदेश) गया था। 29 मई को लगभग 10 बजे रात में हम बाजार से ससुराल (घर) चलने वाले थे कि चुनार थाना के जीप पर सवार वहाँ के दरोगा व सिपाही आये, हमें उठाकर गाड़ी में बिठा लिया। अचानक इस हरकत से मैं घबरा गया। रात का समय था, डर के मारे मैं उनसे कुछ पूछ भी नही सका। चोरी हुई जगह और मेरे घर घुमाते-फिराते थाना में लगभग 2.00 बजे रात में पहुँचे। उस समय 2 बल्ब दरोगा के कमरे में तथा तीन बाहर में जल रहे थे। हवालात में बल्ब नहीं था। हमें उसी हवालात में बंद कर दिया गया। कुछ समय बाद दो रोटी और सब्जी हमें भोजन के लिये दिया गया। अभी भोजन किये ही थे कि हमें फिर दो सिपाही हथकड़ी लगाकर बाहर लाये और जीप में बिठा दिया, यहाँ से वे लोग हमें सुदर्शन दरोगा के आराम करने वाले कमरे पर ले आये. वहाँ पर पहले से ही थाना से सम्बन्धित दो लोग उपस्थित थे। यहाँ से जीप में बिठाकर वे पाँचों लोग हमें डगमगपुर स्थित एक फैक्ट्री के पास ले गये और हमें डराते व धमकाते हुये पूछा कि बताओं तुम्हारे साथ कौन-कौन लोग थे। वह एक सुनसान क्षेत्र है. रात में पूरा सुन-सपाटा छाया हुआ था। डर के मारे पुरा शरीर पसीना से लथपथ 
हो गया था. डर लग रहा था कि कही मारकर फेंक न दे। आज भी वह दिन याद करके रोंगटे खड़े हो जाते हैं। डराने व धमकाने के लगभग आधे घंटे बाद चुनार चौकी के समीप ही बिहारी ढ़ाबा है, वहाँ ले आये. अपने लिये वे लोग चाय मंगवाये और हमें कांच की गिलास में दारू पीने के लिये दिया। हमने कभी शराब नहीं पी थी. जब हमने शराब पीने के लिये मना कर दिया, तब गाली देते हुए सिपाही आया व मारने लगा और दूसरा सिपाही जबरदस्ती मुँह में लगाकर हमें दो गिलास शराब पिला दिया। उस समय हम मर जाना उचित समझते थे और यह ठीक भी रहता। शराब पिलाने के बाद उसी समय और लोगों के घर छापा मारा गया तथा 12 लोगों को पकड़ा। उसमें से कई लोग हमारे गांव व इलाके के रहने वाले थे।
30 मई, 09 को दिन में लगभग 12 बजे दरोगा हमें अपने दफ्तर में बुलाया तथा हमारे साथ मार-पीट करने लगा, हमारी दायां हथेली पर कुर्सी रखकर उस पर बैठ गया तथा बोला कि बताओ डकैती का समान कहाँ है, कौन-कौन से लोग इसमें शामिल हैं। हम बेकसुर थे. हम कुछ नही जानते थे. इसलिए हमने कुछ नहीं बोला., तब दरोगा ने सिपाहियों को बुलाया, सिपाही हमें कमरा के बाहर लाये तथा कम्पाउड में डंडे से पिटाई करने लगे तथा चोरी का हामी भरा रहे थे। सर छोड़कर पूरे शरीर पर आगे-पीछे, बेरहम की तरह पिटाई करने लगे. जिससे दांये हाथ के अंगूठा में जबरदस्त चोट आई, जो आज तक सूजा हुआ है। कुर्सी से कुचलने के कारण हथेली के ऊपरी हिस्से पर निशान अभी भी है तथा सूजा हुआ है। उस समय तो हम डर गये थे कि हथेली का हड्डी टूट गया है, लेकिन एक्स-रे करवाने पर पता चला कि हड्डी नहीं टूटी है, तब जाकर थोड़ा राहत महसूस हुआ। मार-पीट के बाद वे लोग हमें हवालात में डाल दिये। दिन भर हमें खाना भी नही दिया. शाम को 4 बजे घर से खाना आया तब खाना खाये। उसी दिन लगभग डेढ बजे रात में फिर सुदर्शन दरोगा अपने निवास पर बुलाया. कहा कि झूठ या सच कुछ तो बताओ? वहाँ पर हमें लगभग डेढ घंटे रखा. उसके बाद सिपाही को बुलाया तथा हमें थाना ले जाने को बोला। वहीं पर सिपाही ने हमें दो डंडे मारे तथा जीप में बिठाया. जीप में हमें मारते हुए थाने ले आया। हवालात के सामने लगातार डंडे की बारिश हमारे ऊपर करने लगे. जब हम गिर गये तब हवालात में 15 कैदियों के साथ बंद कर दिया। रात में खाना भी नहीं दिया।
अगले दिन फिर दरोगा अपने कार्यालय में बुलाया तथा थाना परिसर में रखी पत्थर पर बैठने को बोला, जो चारो-ओर से बिजली के तार से घिरा हुआ था. बैठने के बाद हमें दो बार बिजली का करेंट लगाया और करेंट देने लगा। उसी समय मेरा भाई ओम प्रकाश समोसा लेकर आया था. होमगार्ड ने उसे समोसा देने से मना किया तथा बोला कि इसके लिए चना और लाई लेते आओं। जब भाई खाने का समान दे रहा था, उस समय हम केवल इतना बोले कि हमें पानी-पिला दो, अब जिंदगी का कोई पता नही। उसने हमें पानी पिलाया। इसके बाद हमें तीसरी बार करेंट दिया, जिसके कारण हम बेहोश हो गये।
पाँच दिन बाद जब हमें होश आया, अपने को मैं सरकारी जिला अस्पताल मिर्जापुर में लेटा पाया. यह देखकर हम अचम्भित हो गये। हाथ के इशारा से मैंने अपने जीजा जी से पूछा, तब वे बोले कि आपकी हालत खराब हो गई थी, इसलिए आपको भर्ती किया गया है। दो दिन तक हमें कुछ याद नहीं रहा। बाद में धीरे-धीरे पता चला कि हमारे साथ पुलिस वाले क्या-क्या किये हैं।
सप्ताह भर हम अस्पताल में रहे, उसके बाद घर आये। पुलिस वाला हमें पूछने तक नहीं आये। बाद में हमें पता चला कि लोगों ने चुनार व डगमकपुर के चौराहे पर चक्का जाम किया था. पडरी थाना के दरोगा जी व क्षेत्रीय विधायक भी हमसे अस्पताल में मिलने आये थे। अखबार वाले भी आये थे, जिन्होंने हमारी हालात व चुनार दरोगा के मनबढ़ी व अत्याचार पर खबर अखबार में छापे थे। बंदी के दौरान चुनार के दरोगा सुदर्शन हमारे ससुर श्री लक्ष्मण व भाई (जीतू) से 13,000 रुपये हमें छोड़ने के एवज् में लिया था।
मिर्जापुर अस्पताल में भर्ती होने के पहले हमें चुनार क्लिनिक में भर्ती करवाया गया था, जहाँ डाक्टरों ने हमारी स्थिति नाजूक देखते हुए मिर्जापुर जिला अस्पताल भेजने को बोला था। तब क्षेत्रीय विधायक जी के कहने पर एम्बुलेंस से मिर्जापुर अस्पताल लाया गया था. वहां हमारा सर व हाथ का एक्स-रे भी हुआ था।
बायीं तरफ पीछे की हिस्सो में दर्द अभी भी है। हमारे घर से पुलिस जो समान उठाकर ले गई थी, वह मिल गया है, लेकिन जो समान पटेल परिवार ले गये जैसे-हसुली पायल, बल्ला: नहीं मिला है।
मारपीट का याद आने पर मर-जाना उचित लगता है। अभी जब हम आपके कार्यालय आ रहे थे, तो बगल वाली जो मंदिर है वहाँ पुलिस को देखकर अंदर से सहम गये थे, मेरा मुँह सुखने लगा था।
जब से अस्पताल से आये हैं, घर छोड़कर कहीं नहीं जाते, एक-दो बार केवल दवा-ईलाज हेतु बाबू जी के साथ ही गये हैं। अपनी कहानी कहने व सुनाने के बाद डर पैदा होता है। दोषी पुलिसकर्मियों पर कार्यवाही हो. जिससे वह भी सीख लें कि नाजायज व गैर कानूनी तरीकों से आम आदमी के साथ इस तरह से अमानवीय ढ़ंग से मार-पीट व गाली गलौज न करें। पटेल परिवार जो हमें डकैती में फँसाया है, उसे भी दण्ड मिले।
आपको कहानी सुनाकर व यहां आकर धीरे-धीरे अब डर कम होने लगा है। गाँव व क्षेत्र में मेरी कहानी पढ़ी जाए। मार-पीट के कारण जो इज्जत गयी है, वह लौट तो नहीं सकती, लेकिन सभी हमारी कहानी को जाने कि पुलिस कैसे बेगुनाह के साथ अमानवीय व्यवहार करती है। दुनिया जाने की पुलिस का असली चेहरा क्या है तथा अखबार एवं समाचार में मेरा कहानी पढ़ा एवं प्रसारण किया जाय। अभी जब आपने हमारी कहानी पढ़कर सुनायी, हमें बहुत अच्छा लगा तथा अब पहले से बेहतर व अच्छा महसूस कर रहा हूँ.
उपेन्द्र कुमार से बातीचत पर आधारित
डॉ0 लेनिन रघुवंशी 'मानवाधिकार जन निगरानी समिति' के महासचिव हैं और वंचितों के अधिकारों पर इनके कामों के लिये इन्हें 'वाइमर ह्युमन राइट्स अवॉर्ड', जर्मनी एवं 'ग्वांजू ह्युमन राइट्स अवॉर्ड', दक्षिण कोरिया से नवाज़ा गया है. लेनिन सरोकार के लिए मानवाधिकार रिपोर्टिंग करेंगे, ऐसा उन्होंने वायदा किया है. उनसे pvchr.india@gmail.com पर संपर्क साधा जा सकता है.
Tags: police attrocity, UP
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